Institutionalized Racism

People of color live daily with the effects of both institutional and individual racism. Epithets like “racist” and “racism” have reached a new height of offensiveness through abusive and contemptuous use. They identify the reality that generally applies in a politically correct society which denies that discrimination exists. Institutions act in similar racist ways to those of individuals.

Civil rights exponents have focused upon individual discrimination since the civil rights movement in the 1960s. They predominantly deny that a more pernicious form of collective discrimination generally exists among law enforcement officers, the judiciary, and bureaucracies.

Significant correlation exists between nonwhites and most political, social, and ideological positions; however, whites and nonwhites of all colors share more beliefs, and dreams than those that divide them although many will not admit that fact. No direct correlation exists between race and political conduct, social thinking, and values, even if one allows for class differences. Singling out a biological given rather than paying attention to all the other factors reflects a divisive political agenda instead of sociological fact.

Empathy, Agony, and Irony

I started to draft this essay while a prisoner in solitary confinement in the same section of King County Jail, Washington (05 Jun 02), as two men, one a black man accused of killing a policeman, the other a white man accused of serial rape and murder. I had long conversations with the black man and have based my observations upon interviews with other accused murderers and rapists while in ultra-security confinement. My jail tenure also included interviews with several hundred prisoners in medium and minimum security populations also jail officers in each of those facilities.

I am a seventy-year-old retired professor and journalist who worked in the civil rights movement in Boston during the 1960s and have resided in the US since then. I am British of German and Jewish descent. I occupied an ultra-security cell next to the young black man mentioned in this and other essays. Judge James A. Doerty, Washington superior court, also directors and administrators of Council House, Seattle, jailed me without due process of law on trumped-up charges (now on appeal) to suit their political agendas.

Judge Anthony P. Wartnik, husband to former Council House co-president Lynn, allegedly conspired with Doerty to have me transferred from the general jail population to ultra-security, solitary confinement. They had no reason except to “ratchet up the coercion” to effectively silence me from reporting details of Lynn’s alleged complicity with others in a cover up of homicide by abuse - an offense punishable by a life sentence upon conviction. Initially, Council House managers and directors jailed me to silence me after I exposed abuse of senior citizens and misappropriation of government funds. [Homicide by Abuse]

Judge Wartnik supports his wife Lynn in her alleged condonation of racist practices at Council House and covered up her perjury. He has consistently shown his inclination to support institutionalized racism in Washington superior court. Members of racist hornet nests have organized themselves into an ex parte consort to try to stop me writing articles similar to this essay - they conspired to deny me my constitutional rights of freedom of speech and assembly then had me jailed. They continue to harass me and one of their thugs has stalked me on at least five occasions then physically assaulted me with a metal stick in a public place.

A tragic irony encompasses Judge Wartnik and the Council House directors. They all belong to the Jewish faith and several of them hold prominent positions in synagogues. In their arrogance and disregard for law, they have apparently abandoned Jewish religious ethics in favor of a secular commitment to Zionism. To verify and validate my contentions, I recently visited Dachau (Germany) and Terezín (Czech Republic) concentration camps and examined records. I found a correlation between the treatment of prisoners in those camps and the management practices at Council House. [Hornet Nests]

Not having had previous jail experience, my incarceration gave me inspiration and insight into a new constituency. It enabled me to compare and contrast my cruel and unusual punishment with the denial of rights to people of color - institutionalized racism at its worst. I believe that racism (or any other prejudice) exists as a cultural consequence based in ignorance and fear.
[Cruel and Unusual Punishment]

I experienced fear and terror over a six-year period from day and night bombing with its concomitant running for cover in holes dug in the ground (Anderson shelters) or crawling under steel tables (Morrison shelters) to avoid death. Consequently, I know first-hand the human devastation caused by the actions of bigots and warmongers inspired by racist ideology and supported by the indifference of appeasers.

Each morning showed me the devastation with its loss of life, all services, gas, water, electricity, and transport. We had no means of communicating with loved ones or obtaining enough to eat. To notice empty spaces in school left by those who had died overnight left a lasting impression. To have to continually heed warnings about touching butterfly bombs and throwing stones at naval mines hanging from trees also had an affect.

Six years later, I survived almost two years combat duty in a desert with scorpions and other arachnids. I repeatedly suffered dysentery and skin diseases without proper medication despite the murder of my countrymen five years earlier by American-financed Zionist terrorists led by Menachem Begin. In a cruel irony, the Nobel committee awarded that thug a peace prize. British troops served at that time with the misguided intent to preserve a democratic Israel from its neighbors - a democratic trust soon betrayed by its beneficiaries through racism and nationalistic greed.

That betrayal has continued for more than half a century and now manifests in racist and nationalistic behavior in Seattle. Council House directors unlawfully exhibit an Israeli flag and a picture of Golda Meir [01] in a HUD financially-assisted building. Requiring residents to swear allegiance to a foreign flag when acknowledging the Stars and Stripes provokes dissension which brings punishment for voicing an opinion.

My recent experience with these descendants of people who benefitted from European tragedies confirms my earlier feelings about prejudice, misuse of power, and greed. Their philosophy entails abuse of others now as they perceive that others abused their forebears - a role reversal of abuser and abused. Bigots like Wartnik and Doerty, also my tenure in King County jail, reconfirm the same feelings I had fifty years ago.

If I did not pride myself on my humanity, abhorrence of revenge, and respect for law, I would sentence these people to suffer the same way that they have made me and thousands of people of color suffer worldwide by jailing them on trumped-up charges without due process of law. They would then begin to understand the consequences of their neo-fascist behavior and their indifference toward those for whom they hold a responsibility. [Role Reversal]

My life experience has given me the determination not to succumb to the coercion of moronic judges who jail journalists without a trial for writing essays. In the case of Wartnik and Doerty, their curricula vitae indicate that they probably neither served in the military nor suffered persecution and bombing. Instead they have apparently lived a life of wealth and privilege different from those whom they jail on a daily basis in King County and the Council House residents whose abuse they condone. [Hanging Judges and Bloody Assizes] [Hornet Nests]

Several Council House residents survived similar experiences to myself in the European holocaust and still have strength to survive the abuse at Council House despite the indifference of bigoted directors, administrators, and judges. Two residents have died as the result of alleged homicide by abuse. Many others have received punishment for expressing their political views through repeated harassment by thugs, incarceration, and unlawful eviction. Witness tampering through intimidation has become the rule rather than the exception.

Identity Ideology

Neo-fascism and extensive social and racial polarization have brought new threats to human rights. White supremacy, diminished by a break during the 1960s of a centuries old racial system, has returned as neo-fascism packaged as color-blind, non-racialist, and meritocractic. This reformed version of racial inequality relies upon stereotyping and fear to impose “mainstream values” (white values) while claiming equality. It continues a deeply entrenched system of racial inequality and injustice in a new guise of politically correct color-blindness. This neo-fascist brew appears inclusive and pluralistic yet contains insidious ethnic cleansing threats and renewed racial complacency and indifference. [02]

In recent decades, identity ideologists have used racial identity to define conduct and ignored other social attributes. Profiling categorizes individuals as black, brown, yellow, or white then ignores the great differences within each group - differences that do not parallel each other. For instance, people with darker skin do not classify automatically as short or tall or with other features. [03] [Neo-Fascist Identity Groups]

US racial definitions no longer apply to Jewish, Slavic, Irish, Polish, and many other ethnic groups considered races in 1910. Many other groups once considered separate races no longer rank so. The classifications have changed in law, police, press, and in the public mind proving that those definitions did not apply in the first place. [04] A ruling class had assigned nomenclature that gave power to them over those minority groups.

Resistance to slavery allowed a transition to a nascent democracy and revulsion at atrocities like the European holocaust (that included the Jewish Shoah) and modern ethnic cleansing have solidified an overt political agenda with sinister totalitarian undertones. Racist thought and practices continue to rely upon economic and political subordination to justify systematic world domination using racial criteria in employment as a factor. [05]

Maintaining strict racial lines and opposing intermarriage has failed when it sought to maintain races as separate “nations”. The term nation bears with it a connotation of tribalism. This mindset (however understandable its defensive nature in response to racial prejudice and discrimination) adversely affects people forced to divest themselves of plurality in order to achieve harmony in the small cooperatives or collectives they inhabit. [06] [Noblesse Oblige]

The identity group mindset precludes them from seeking to uphold their separate group identities as subgroups within a more encompassing community. It prevents them from assimilating into a “nation” governed by special interests - an ideology not conducive to their political aspirations. They wish to remain free from racial categorization. [07]

The term “marginal man” described a shift of perspective toward Jews in the early twentieth century. That perspective related to spiritual distress through a cultural duality that now applies to American people of color. It relied upon a perception of both Jews and blacks as cultural hybrids who live and share in the life and cultural traditions of two distinct societies.

Both Jews and blacks have shown that they would not break with their past traditions and assimilate even if permitted to do so. In any event, the new society in which they seek to find a place discriminates against them racially. They remain on the fringe of two societies because marginalization caused by institutionalized racial control prevents them from fusing. [08]

The hypocrisy of political correctness rests in outwardly banishing a once popular culture with claims of dismay while continuing the underlying humiliation of an economically deprived underclass. Descendants of slaves and empathic white people forced a partial dismantling of official discrimination with civil rights laws, decolonization, and universalistic policies.

The evasion of those mandates resulted in new racial instability and tension. So-called racial reforms temporarily ameliorated injustice and inequality to contain social protest and introduced a new era of institutionalized racism. Partial reform during the civil rights era led to a new institutional color line based upon affirmative action essentially controlled by white supremacists using feminism to advantage predominantly white, middle-class women who claimed minority status although holding a numeric majority. [09]

The modicum of success in the civil rights movement came about by a synthesis of mass mobilization and a tactical alliance - threats of violence compromised national interests. This alliance, organized by racial moderates, sought to ameliorate racial conflict and end racial dictatorship. They feared the radical potential of the black movement and decided to face that threat but not from any change of heart. Conversely, radicals of all races paid a price for their revolt - socialism and political nationalism. They chose to forego their vision of a major social transformation to avoid marginalization, repression, and death. They now face a fate worse than death. [10]

A nationalistic ideology forced racial moderates to toe a line dictated to them as common sense. This divided the movement to attain stability and defused opposition from mid-1960s through mid-1980s. Any reform that did occur reduced the political challenge posed by anti-racist organizations. [11] This allowed institutionalized racism to flourish.

Race

The term “race” primarily relates to biology not to sociology. However, social, political, and religious views become established as part of biological difference when people equate race with religion, national origin, or language. [12]

The term “institutional racism” defines as the collective failure of society in general, and institutions in particular, to provide services and justice to people of a particular color, culture, or ethnicity. This manifests in processes, procedures, attitudes, and behavior that discriminate through prejudice, ignorance, stereotyping, and profiling, which disadvantages minority or ethnic people.

Eighteenth- and nineteenth-century theorists used the terms nationality and race interchangeably. They assumed that each person differed with specific traits determined by race or nationality. European Enlightenment showed strong racial bias and national character (Volksgeist) ranked prominently. America followed suit and found that bridging the gulf that separated those traits formed a complex unity of opposites. Those opposites have caused psychic distress through white disrespect and the general refusal to acknowledge black humanity. [13]

From this refusal arises a morbid self-consciousness and moral hesitancy fatal to self-confidence that forces black people to live a double life. This entails duplication within a single person of thoughts, duties, and social class, that gives rise to contradictory words and ideals that dichotomize thought - presence or revolt, hypocrisy or radicalism. [14] This describes the condition now called “cultural conflict”. Cultural conflict requires self-evaluation through the eyes of others while they look on with contempt or pity and denies black people an individuation process. It demands that they question their intrinsic worth through failed self-confidence or its root cause.

Predominantly, an affluent white society robs minorities of their identity, both as individuals and as groups. It refuses to give them equal protection and justice under the law. In fact, white society deliberately uses law to discriminate against people of color as occurs with racial profiling.

A minority group (not a mathematical minority) defines as a subordinate group having members with less control or power over their constitutional and legal rights than members of a dominant group (individuals denied justice by ruling classes or professions). Minorities, (African, Latino, Native, and Asian descent) live daily with the effects of both institutional and individual racism.

Conversely, people-of-color who celebrate the ending of white majority rule and a rise of any majority of minorities have implicitly and inadvertently racist traits. They assume that skin pigmentation or racial attributes determine visions and values when they do not. [15] Such determinism promotes a false understanding of race defined by genetic differences among races. [16] A DNA study conducted by Howard University found that some 30% of all black males tested had some white DNA and an unofficial survey claimed that the British aristocracy had at least 20% black blood. [17]

Genetic research shows that there are more genetic variations within the separate races than between them. [18] Discrete gene differences have never described race only relative frequency of one or another trait within a race. [19] Therefore, arguing that all or most members of a given social group behave the way as some individuals defines as prejudice. [20]

A multipolar racial pattern has replaced the traditional racial system often viewed as a bi-polar white/black hierarchy. Racial stratification now varies by class and region although racial inequality endures. [21] At Council House, exclusively dominated by wealthy American-Jews, the directors allow discrimination against other Jews mainly immigrants and concentration camp survivors as well as blacks contrary to HUD regulations which specifically prohibit such practices.

Homogeneity

Racial groups remain undiversified. Differences within each group contradict any notion of a nonwhite united majority facing a unanimous white group as championed by identity politics. This holds true when arguments claim that all (or most) people who belong to any particular race have particular unsavory qualities without specifically defining those qualities, the individuals, or the group. [Neo-Fascist Identity Groups]

Race can make a difference in individual feeling or thinking especially in response to racially influenced questions. However, racial criteria do not guarantee an adequate response because people of different social backgrounds share many convictions, hopes, and goals, irrespective of race. [22] Infiltration of social groups for economic reward or from fear construes as neither assimilation nor individuation.

Generally, each person derives his or her sense of self through interaction with others. They view themselves as others see them, consequently the refusal of others to acknowledge their humanity triggers apprehension and anguish. Individuation, a process of establishing self, allows people to use inner strength to assimilate and then assert themselves. It overcomes apprehension and anguish without giving up individuality when applied within group environments. Self consciousness then ceases to exist exclusively in acknowledgment by others.

Individuals learn racial categorization like other cultural traditions such as appreciation of food, clothing, and musical preferences. They do not inherit them, instead they pass these learned traits from generation to generation. Psychological anthropologists have determined that children as young as three have a complex understanding of racial construction not by an understanding of physical differences but by others assigning attributes to those physical differences. For children, race does not define a person. [23]

Denied humanity through tortured thoughts and ideals bring anguish to people seeking to affirm both their American and black identities. This stems from refusal of whites to fully recognize black civil rights while concurrently holding them to civil responsibilities. [24] If the ideals of blacks reflect those of whites then how can a cultural conflict exist? It does not, except in the desire of whites to remain superior despite laws to the contrary.

A continuing misuse of laws by law enforcement officers, lawyers, and the judiciary, gives them unacceptable and discriminatory control over minority groups. The root cause relates not so much to conflict over ideals but in conflicting judicial deliberation about the ability of blacks to hold non-static ideals. This turns upon recognition of them as human beings. [25] Self-assertion has intrinsic benefits at the risk of perceived insubordination. To openly plead for respect effectively forfeits self-respect in the pleading. [26]

The social foundation for significant black ideological ambivalence continues to found in the double-dealing of white Americans. Hypocritically, whites claim conceptualization and practice of egalitarian ideals, purportedly without exception, that apply to all people living within national borders. They claim it as a birthright then simultaneously practice Herrenvolk - nationalism, citizenship, and political equity, that only applies to whites. [27]

The dualism of this inter-subjective experience has a counterpart in contradictory evaluations of American society by blacks as an imperfect democracy amenable to social and political reform, or as a national question where insurmountable obstacles to equality necessitate black self-determination in one form or another. Segregation makes many, if not a majority, of blacks simultaneously feel a part of society yet virtual exiles in the land of their birth. Self-determination and segregation has already begun to take place in suburbs of Atlanta, Georgia. This improves living conditions for many but does not address the real problem of exclusion. [28]

Employment Opportunity

Institutions know that if they behave in overtly racist ways by specifically excluding people of color from services they will probably fall foul of the law. Consequently, they adopt policies of inherent racism that do not specifically exclude people of color but nevertheless have a similar intent and result. Institutions that respond to people of color and whites differently injure minorities by behavior that classifies as racist in outcome if not overt intent. [29]

Council House directors have deliberately precluded people from other races or faiths from board participation and have prevented black people from applying for the position of administrator. These decisions contravened US Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) directives that specifically preclude discrimination in government-funded housing and employment.
[Freedom of Conscience]

Adding a criminal element to racism further exacerbates the problem. During the past three decades, the number of prison inmates has increased by more than 600 percent giving the US the highest incarceration rate in the world. The growing number of men processed by the criminal justice system shows the result of institutionalized racism.

Criminal records correlate with a 50 percent reduction in employment opportunities for whites and a 64 percent reduction for blacks. A criminal record presents a major barrier to employment and increases racial disparity. It serves as a barrier to employment among equally qualified applicants. However, race and criminal record interact to produce new forms of labor market inequality. The “negative credential” of a criminal record allows the judiciary to classify particular individuals in ways that qualify them for discrimination and/or social exclusion.

Research into the impact of incarceration has focused on different types of incarceration and shows how they translate into widening racial disparities. In addition to disparities in the rate of incarceration it seems important to consider the racism inherent in judicial decisions.

Incarceration has changed from a punishment reserved primarily for the most heinous offenders to one extended to a much greater range of crimes and a much larger segment of the population. Recent trends in crime policy have led to the imposition of harsher sentences for a wider range of offenses. The system will charge nearly two-thirds of the recently released prisoners among the more than 12 million ex-felons in the United States (representing roughly 8 percent of the working-age population) with new crimes. Over 40 percent will return to prison within three years.

Mandatory sentencing laws, most often used for drug offenses, remove discretion for judges to consider factors that pertain to an individual and his offense that an ethical judge would normally take into account. The chance of receiving a prison term for a drug offense rose by 447 percent between 1980 and 1992.

The increase in prison population has particularly affected blacks. The incarceration of young black over white men in the same age group during 2000 shows ratio 10:1. This translates into a large and increasing population of black ex-offenders returning to communities and searching for work. Employers compound the problems that these men face in reaching economic self-sufficiency by combining the stigma of minority status with a criminal record.

Given the high rates of incarceration among blacks and the pervasive media images of black criminals, employers apparently respond differently to applicants with criminal records depending upon their race. Among blacks without criminal records, only 14 percent received employment call-backs relative to 34 percent for whites. Whites with criminal records received more favorable treatment than blacks without criminal records which shows that race continues to play a dominant role in shaping employment opportunities. The effect of a criminal record now ranks 40 percent higher for blacks than for whites.

Employers, already reluctant to hire blacks, have become even more wary of blacks with proven criminal involvement. Bright, articulate, college students, with effective styles of self-presentation, posed as entry-level employment applicants. Employers did not recognize their qualities. Instead, the employment barriers of minority status and criminal record intensified the stigma toward this group. On three separate occasions, employers asked black applicants (before submitting their applications) whether they had a prior criminal history. However, they did not ask the white applicants about their criminal histories in advance.

Employers give blacks less consideration relative to their white counterparts, and black non-offenders get less consideration than whites with prior felony convictions. By that, the powerful effects of race continue to direct employment decisions in ways that perpetuate racial inequality.

Combining a racist attitude with a criminal record makes the problem more acute. Incarceration of blacks greatly exceeds that for whites and creates a greater incidence of prejudice in employment opportunity. “Crime control” policies may in fact exacerbate the conditions which lead to crime in the first place.

Research consistently shows that finding steady employment predicates reduced crime. The fact that a criminal record severely limits employment opportunities – particularly among blacks – leaves them with few viable alternatives to crime and recidivism. [30]

Superior Court of Washington

Institutional racism has become apparent in the court system over several decades. This particularly applies to the misuse of affirmative action laws to admit minority people as tokens into a totally white dominated system. This has resulted in the stigmatism of all minorities by demeaning them through special consideration. Their mentors suffer under the illusion that minorities need special privilege because they cannot achieve their positions on merit. Incompetent and corrupt minorities form a percentage of any constituency in direct relation to the total population. This has always existed in institutions which points up still further that acculturation constitutes a problem not race.

Judge Anthony P. Wartnik recently expressed concern about “equal justice issues” in contrasting the cases of an accused white serial killer charged with four of 49 alleged serial killings and a black man charged with killing a police officer. Bizarrely, his “equal justice” consisted of adding two private attorneys to the latter man’s legal team. Wartnik claimed that his decision amounted to his “response as a judge to minimize the risk of appealable issues” - another platitude from Seattle’s leading judicial hypocrite known for his trite or banal remarks.
[Hanging Judges and Bloody Assizes]

Colleen E. O'Connor, Attorney-at-Law, Society of Counsel Representing Accused Persons (SCRAP), counsel for the black man, argued that race constituted a huge factor in whether or not he would get the death penalty as opposed to what the accused white rapist might receive. The penalty for aggravated murder, life in prison or death, applies to both cases. Counsel probably accepted the status quo judging by the high percentage of nonwhites in jail.

Ironically, she played the race card in the interest of her client. She used statistics to show that the black man would have a greater chance than the white man of ending up on death row. She argued that “race is a huge factor in whether or not you get the death penalty.” She probably used the only argument open to her in a racist environment. Wartnik based his decision in favor of her client upon those racially determined criteria. His decision based entirely upon the pigmentation of the man’s skin and not on the merits of the case. This exemplifies the apparent institutional racism and racial profiling prior to the incident and subsequent to the arrest. [31] Counsel apparently used racist arguments to overcome inherent institutional racism. She combated racism with racism.

Wartnik showed his agreement by adding two attorneys to the black man’s team. Interestingly, before that hearing the white man charged with four aggravated murders had eight attorneys while the black man charged with one aggravated murder had two. The black man still has only half the number of attorneys granted to the white man. A reasonable person might ask whether one must have a white skin and commit serial murder to get a full quota of attorneys. However, reason counts for very little with Wartnik. Instead of pursuing equal rights in a monochrome society both Wartnik and O’Connell introduced race into the equation prior to trial.

Sensible people wonder why the pigmentation of an accused murderer’s skin should have any relation to the number of attorneys that a court appoints for a defense. Wartnik compared the two cases based solely on skin color without acknowledging that the only apparent connection between the two men derives from occupying the same jail section. Wartnik compared them despite the incidence of black men more frequently ending up on death row for crimes of similar or less seriousness. With his attitude and other judicial misconduct he should probably recuse himself from both cases before Seattle has another travesty of justice.

Wartnik has demonstrated, prior to hearings, that he has preoccupied himself with race not with the seriousness of the crimes or due process of law. This follows a family trait. His wife Lynn and her directors allow their administrator to use the same racist criteria in providing services to senior citizen tenants in the apartment block that she manages. Moreover, her alleged complicity in homicide by abuse gets swept under the rug and the journalist reporting it receives a “death sentence”.

If the directors of Council House, with their stated exclusion of people of color at any meaningful level of employment or directorship, thoroughly investigated they would find infinitely more than exclusion. They would find solidified within their Jewish ghetto an anti-black attitude that symbolically represents a significant part of the moral attitude of the general population. This despite pious claims to the suffering of their own race and centuries of anti-Semitism.

Media criticism apparently forced HUD to reprimand Council House for discrimination in advertising apartment vacancies in a single publication - The Jewish Transcript. Council House must now advertise vacancies in a series of ethnic papers. However, they still practice employment discrimination.

Surprisingly, the directors appointed Stephen (aka Stefan) A. Mitchell, a neo-fascist, out-of-work stage actor, without qualifications for the job, as administrator. When criticized publicly for employment discrimination by not publicizing the position Bradley K. Spear (a director and lawyer) rushed to advertise it. He had a responsibility to know that Council House must advertise in a way that provides equal opportunity to all qualified people notwithstanding race, color, creed, national origin, gender, age, or familial status. That requires national advertising to show compliance with all state and federal laws. [Freedom of Conscience]

Instead, he placed advertisements in The Jewish Transcript (11 and 25 Aug 00). As an attorney, Spear knew that he must follow the letter also the spirit of the law yet advertised in a single publication that matched the ethnicity of his board of directors. Allegedly, he has since committed perjury. Moreover, Jeffrey Berkman. holds directorships at both Council House and The Jewish Transcript. As Council House treasurer, he has apparently kept the advertising budget in the family despite the law. HUD should have them both hauled before the civil rights commission and Brad before the bar association disciplinary committee. The statute of limitations has not expired so that may yet happen.

One wonders how many non-Jews read The Jewish Transcript and would reply to a racially biased advertisement. Three people did apply, however, Council House directors had no intention of changing their unlawful appointment. One of the applicants later interviewed by this reporter had qualifications and experience far in excess of Stephen A. Mitchell, whom co-presidents Lynn C. Wartnik and Sheila Sternberg employed after making false declarations and submitting his forged resume to HUD. HUD officials have since withheld public records to cover up their complicity in discrimination.

Conclusion

“Free at last” meant something more than symbolic reform and mitigation of the worst excesses of white supremacy. It meant substantive social reorganization not institutionalized racism manifested in denial of egalitarian, economic, and democratic rights, as exhibited in the experience of prisoners in King County jail. Civil rights reform has moved from domination to hegemony, the predominant influence of one group over others, a key component of modern political rule.

An orchestra (society) consists of groups of instruments (nationalities) playing their separate parts while together making music resonant with harmony and good feeling. Similarly, social, cultural, and legal elements hold together a diverse mosaic that includes commitment by all people in mutual tolerance to a democratic way of life. The Constitution and its Bill of Rights guarantee protection for that way of life. Strength within that mosaic comes from appreciating one’s own heritage and complements rather than compromises a heterogeneous society. [32]

No direct correlation exists between race and political conduct, social thinking, and values, even if one allows for class differences. Singling out a biological given rather than paying attention to all the other factors reflects a divisive political agenda instead of sociological fact.

The fundamental problems of racial injustice and inequality remain as the basic elements of neo-fascist, white supremacist rule. Racism thrives through support from socio-economic and political cartels protected by government and a corrupt judiciary. Consequently, race retains its significance as a social phenomenon and defines identity and opportunity despite a trumpeted civil rights revolution. More seriously, a recent US supreme court decision moved to repeal the inadequate reforms of the 1960s by adding an “intent to discriminate” provision to anti-discrimination law making it almost impossible to obtain relief. [33]

Council House directors, staff, and some residents have demonstrated unrestrained racism not only against people of color but against members of their own ethnic or racial group who have little power. In several cases, they have wielded wealth and power over those with no power regardless of race which indicates that they live a misanthropic existence. Having full knowledge of these incidents they do nothing, instead, they persist in trying to kill the messengers that report their crimes to government authorities.

In a consort with corrupt judges they try to silence journalists investigating resident complaints by bringing frivolous lawsuits against them. US Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) has full knowledge of these occurrences yet continues to neglect to investigate complaints or to take any action against Council House directors and administrators for institutional racism. The instances of racism show the nature of the individuals concerned who continue to spread their hate. Neo-fascist ideology and racism run rampant at Council House and have progressed over the years. The directors continue to condone neo-fascism supported by judicial connivance aided and abetted by laissez faire attitudes at HUD.

Nmesis.

© Copyright 2003 by Paul Trummel
All Rights Reserved: 21 Jun 03/1035 GMT
Edition: #801-25-40/07-0702-17:02
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